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IS to Methods of testing of small clear specimens of timber Item Preview. Second, I study handbooks of sacred oratory and instructions for preachers; essentially style guides, these provided tips for structuring and delivering sermons.

Cambridge, MIT Press, , These books formed the fundamental points of reference and basic interpretative tools for preachers. The published sermon is also a public document that testifies to a public performance. Most of the sermons in this article were preached before elite audiences of noblemen and erudite ecclesiastics upon special occasions; their purpose was to add luster to a celebration or gravity to a funeral5. In a few cases, these sermons were preached in local parishes in cities and important towns; these more restrained sermons often draw on domestic imagery and offer an emotional appeal instead of overwhelming churchgoers with a forceful demonstration of oratorical mastery 6.

Although it is tempting to imagine that sublime sermons preached before elite audiences might have had limited popular impact, the published sermons themselves 4 On the interplay among popular thought, scientific knowledge, and religious instruction, see: NUMBERS, RONALD L. My conjecture would be that occasional sermons, because of the thematic latitude they offer preachers, address chymical themes more often than sermons preached during Advent or Lent or on other feast days. The viceroy was too ill to attend and Vera Navarrete delivered the sermon to him privately.

This means that the sermon existed in at least three forms: as a public performance open to curious passersby, as a private performance for the viceroy, and as a published document. Each iteration of the sermon may have had a different audience.

It is possible—given the innumerable social paradoxes of the Baroque—that the strangeness and bewildering complexity of rhetorically ornate sermons may have broadened their appeal7.

We have little concrete bibliometric data indicating how many sermons were published during the late seventeenth century.

Their numbers, however, are overwhelming. Printed sermons may well have been the most widely disseminated literary genre in early modern Spain. This abundance makes them of particular interest for the social history of chymistry, but it is also a limitation for this study. Because no one knows how many sermons were published, it is impossible to say with statistical certainty how frequently chymical allusions appear. It is almost certainly the case, however, that if we limit the period to , there are more sermons that contain some description of chymical ideas or practices then there are scientific publications that do so.

Taken together, the alchemical sermons I analyze in this article permit an understanding of a significant, if narrow slice of the overwhelming homiletic output of the period. My goal is not to catalog every mention of chymistry in sermons, but instead to systematize some of my earlier work on the intersections between science and religion at the end of the seventeenth century, and to provide readers with a preliminary overview of a significant development in Spanish chymistry: its role as an object of public fascination8.

In: R. Barcelona: Thomas Loriente. Farnham, Ashgate, In: V. Navarro and W. Eamon eds. Valencia, Soler, In Spain, as Matton shows was the case in France, some authors compared transubstantiation to chrysopoeia and distillation to salvation, while other writers condemned chymistry as foolish or dangerous. Religious attitudes toward chymistry in France and Spain largely mirrored one another, although historians of science have generally underscored the differences between Spanish and French scientific cultures.

Recently, Lawrence M. This certainly proves to be the case in Spain. I am not convinced that these uses are quite so straightforward. Matton studies a vast array of trades and techniques, as well as religious writings in French, Italian, and Latin.

Chicago, University of Chicago Press, pp. The attitudes of ecclesiastics toward alchemy varied from order to order: Franciscans and Benedictines often supported alchemy, and Jesuits sometimes opposed it For the most part, however, insomuch as chymical practice remained dissociated from chymical theory, it was entirely uncontroversial in early modern Spain. Convents had their distilleries, and apothecaries sold chymical remedies, but these practices were not always associated with the names and ideas of famous chymists in the minds of patients and consumers In: Frank Greiner ed.

Barcelona, Labor. It has been argued for centuries that skepticism about chymical medicine among some Spanish physicians was a rejection of modernity and progress. It is clear now, however, that a variety of factors contributed to the intensity of medical polemic, ranging from proto-nationalist politics to aesthetic tastes. Debates about chymistry were often proxies for other conflicts, and the way that even chymical practitioners talked about chymistry sometimes had little Azogue, 8, The more vocal supporters chymists found, the greater the vituperation of their opponents.

Throughout the debates surrounding chymical medicine, the production and sale of chymical remedies continued unabated.

This seemingly paradoxical situation in which alchemical practices were common but alchemical theories could be controversial is not widely understood, but distillation provides an illuminating example. All over Europe, country life involved distilling to make medicines and pleasant drinks. The calorie density of alcohol is second only to fats and alcohol can be stored for very long periods, so distillates were highly prized Women distilled fermented grains beer into whiskey, wine into brandy, and made herbal remedies.

This is the rustic end of the distilling spectrum and the work may or may not have been spoken of in chymical terms I explore this terrain in: Slater, John.

Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies 7, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, p. The pioneering Spanish playwright, Lope de Rueda c. Alfredo Hermenegildo, Madrid: Taurus, p. Pecia Complutense 2, Rome: Typographia Rev.

Camerae Apostolicae, p. Some institutional support was necessary because preparing the full range of remedies and spirits demanded different kinds of heat and often different kinds of ovens , different means of cooling, a variety of vessels and so on. The effect of investing explanatory power in the art of distillation was to elevate that art, from a domestic craft to powerful heuristic capable of illuminating physiological, mental, and spiritual processes.

One way of understanding the place of distillation and chymistry in the development of Spanish sermons is to get a sense of a few of the books written by religious authors about chymistry during the seventeenth century. I do so in order to provide a historical context for the chymical allusions and imagery as they appear in alchemical sermons. Sermons did not just refer to books by chymists and manuals for distillers; sermons mirrored their scholarly traditions, hermeneutic practices, and stylistic tendencies.

John of Jerusalem and his agricultural manual, published in Spanish as the Libro de los secretos de agricultura, represents a fascinating chapter in the history of Spanish spagyria The words of the book deal with the domestic production of distillates, but the visual dimension of the book infectiously communicates the allure of complex chymical practices.

Villa also wrote an early work of medical biography, the Libro de la vida de los doce principes de la medicina The first of these four tendencies is that Villa finds allegories of alchemical practice in the Bible.

Second, Villa contends that the coded speech of alchemical manuals is the same figurative mode of communication used in biblical allegory.

Chymists and prophets speak the same language Fourth, Villa finds in alchemical practice the revelation of divinity. Lyon, pp. This passage back and forth between emblematic techniques of visualization and the materiality of chymical appurtenances marked every form of writing about chymistry in Spain. None of the religious orders that produced the preachers that are significant in the pages that follow can boast of an alchemical tradition comparable to that of the Benedictines, with the exception of Franciscans.

There is little evidence that preachers drew on their own laboratory experience when they wrote their sermons. None of this is necessarily original, but it neatly outlines the intellectual terrain that would be travelled by preachers at the end of the seventeenth century Their books do not, however, provide readers with a full picture of the attempts at transmutation or spagyric quests for elixirs that were undertaken in Spain during the 17th century.

Chymistry was at times a purely practical set of proto-chemical, laboratory operations, but it could also be a totalizing philosophy and form of spirituality. Throughout the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there were a number of ambitious attempts to reconcile alchemy and religion. Spanish alchemical sermons provide a third example.

Zaragoza, Pedro Lanaja y Lamarca, pp. Oraciones evangelicas para todos los dias. The template uses a light blue highlight, making it easy to spot the months in a year. The free downloadable annual calendar allows you to view the full year calendar in a single page, which helps in planning schedule and events.

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